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In the last few days the President and his Drug Czar, Barry
McCaffrey, have stated unmistakably their moral and practical
opposition to mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent
drug offenders. I now wholeheartedly join in urging the President
to grant reduced sentences to low-level, non-violent drug
offenders serving mandatory minimum sentences. Because of
my background I will focus on the seven ways that mandatory
minimum sentences harm legitimate federal law enforcement
interests.
1. There is absolutely no evidence that the use of mandatory
minimum sentences has increased the price or reduced the purity
or availability of our most feared drugs.
2. At the same time minimum mandatory sentences are shamefully
wasteful of law enforcement resources, dedicating millions
of dollars and thousands of prison cells to a length of sentence
one can not justify by its additional deterrent effect.
3. The wasteful continuation of an experiment that has failed,
at a time when state and federal prisons are releasing over
500,000 prisoners a year back into their communities, itself
poses an additional and unacceptable risk of changing non-violent
drug offenders into dangerous criminals because of the centuries
of time the mandatory minimum sentences add to the cell lives
and dangerous associations of low-level, non-violent offenders.
4. Mandatory minimum sentences send the wrong moral message
to the public at large by equating the appropriate penalties
for non-violent drug offenses to the penalties for many of
our most heinous, violent crimes.
5. Mandatory minimum sentences are perceived by Black and
Hispanic Americans as biased because in fact they are imposed
very disproportionately on these segments of the population
and because of the indefensible disparity between the penalties
for the same quantities of crack and powdered cocaine. The
result of this is that the legislatively imposed structure,
which does not bring about deterrence, undermines support
for law enforcement in communities where it is badly needed.
6. Law enforcement officials take sentencing structures
as signals as to where their priorities should lie. The exaggerated
penalties for non-violent drug crimes have misdirected Federal
law enforcement priorities. They also distract attention from
creative alternatives to radically reducing the market for
drugs alternatives such as compelling abstinence by the very
high percentage of drug users who are arrested each year by
means of testing twice a week during sustained periods of
probation, parole, or conditional release (with short jail
sentences the absolutely certain results of a return to use).
7. The U.S. Sentencing Commission and federal judges, appointed
with the approval of both parties in Congress and the President,
can and will deal firmly and far more sensibly with non-violent
drug offenders if we free them from the structure of hypocritical,
symbolic politics.
Mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders
are long overdue for repeal as a costly, foolish scheme that
doesn't work, at great cost to law enforcement. President
Clinton can strike a blow for law enforcement by reducing
the excessive sentences of non-violent drug offenders.
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